Globalization, Ethics and Islam Essay Example for Free

Globalization, Ethics and Islam Essay Ian Markham in his book stated his view of religion and its value to human race. Just like the view of Said Nursi, his source of ideology, he firmly believed in world peace that is founded on deep religious ethics. For Markham, all religions of the world have responsibility and authority in keeping moral ethics alive in the society. This is contrary to the view of Alasdair MacIntyre who claimed that â€Å"there are adequate non-religious alternative foundations for ethics† (p. 66); Aristotle who said that moral assertion is â€Å"an intelligible framework† (p. 68); and other names in history like Kant, Hume. Globalization therefore, will make its sense in the absence of hate and war, and in upholding ethical values instituted in religious beliefs worldwide. Though he accepts justification for ethics of other religion, yet he believes that Islam faith could draw clearly the idea of ethical system. Religions of the world should establish its own paradigm of ethics for Markham puts it, â€Å"†¦ because moral factors should (and in practice – do) shape our public life† (p. 68). He further added, â€Å"The basic commitment to decency in our public discourse is a moral judgment that the public square needs. † Furthermore, Markham also believes that the place of religion is private and not public, which he meant that the State should not control the citizens’ beliefs and practices but the same should not allow any public expression of religious belief for â€Å"public disorder would ensue† (p. 67). Therefore, as Markham tried to explain, religion has greater responsibility in maintaining world peace if it holds to the principles of morality and ethicss; for only when faith made sense, ethical framework would not have any sense either. Comparative Analysis of Markham’s View and Thomas Michel’s on Issue of Ethics and Globalization Thomas Michel the advocate of Catholic faith believes that there are similarities in his view and that of Markham on issue of religion and world peace, which he called â€Å"the ethics of peace† (p. 37). He recognized the contribution of these two great persons to the topic. Pope John Paul II on World’s Day in 2002 delivered a message that proposed, â€Å"True peace must rest on †¦justice and forgiveness† (p. 37). Pope explained that peace in form of ‘cease-fire’ only amplify the issue; while peace may be attained by getting to the â€Å"heart of the conflict and try to heal human relations† (p. 38). He added, when there is oppression or injustice peace is impossible. The resolution for world peace according to Pope is justice in forms of moral virtue and legal guarantee; these, he believed are the elements of international system of relations among peoples – â€Å"full respect for rights and responsibilities† (p. 38). This concept is closely related with the idea presented by Markham in which, religion has to stand on idea of having moral and ethical standard established and practiced in the society. Markham clearly emphasized in his book that the world â€Å"needs deeply committed orthodox, exponents of each tradition to outline an ethical system that is both true to the beliefs and practices of that tradition† (p. 65). The Pope emphasized in the message the importance of justice and forgiveness as virtues people must embrace to have peace. Qur’an teaches about patience, which is a predominant virtue in that book. Yusuf 12 verse 90 of Qur’an says, â€Å"One who is mindful of God and patient indeed God will not forfeit the recompense due to those who do good. † Work Cited Markham, Ian S. and Ozdemir, Ibrahim. Globalization, Ethics and Islam: The Case of Bediuzzaman Said Nursi. Burlington, USA: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. , 2005

chlamydia Essay -- essays research papers

CHLAMYDIA What is Chlamydia? Chlamydia is a sexually transmitted infection caused by bacteria. It is estimated that chlamydia is the most common STD with 3 - 4 million new cases each year. Rates of chlamydia are highest in the West and Midwest, part of the contry. How is it Spread? Chlamydia is spread by direct person-to-person contact. It is almost always transmitted through sexual contact. It is also possible for pregnant women to pass the bacteria to their infant during birth. How Do you Know if you are Infected? Because symptoms are not always present, you may be infected with chlamydia and not know it. You can be tested for chlamydia and other sexually transmitted diseases at your local doctor. To test for chlamydia, the physician will use a cotton swab to collect cells from your genitals. What are the Symptoms? If present, symptoms may appear in a week to a month after infection. Seventy-five percent of persons with chlamydia may show no symptoms. Men are more likely than women to show signs of infection. Chlamydia in Men Painful urination. Mild, sticky, milky or mucus-like discharge from penis Testicular pain Irritation around opening of the penis Symptoms may seem to "come and go" Chlamydia is often silent in women, with up to 90% of women asymptomatic. Women can carry the bacteria for months or even years without knowing it. This makes screening very important. When symptoms do present, they include the following: Chlamydia in Women Mild, milky or ...

Discussions of race and community relations in all facets of American life are often limited to generalized attitudes that are interracial

Discussions of race and community relations in all facets of American life are often limited to generalized attitudes that are at base, interracial. That is to say, the dominant, or white culture, sets standards for the perceived subordinate culture. The expectation is that all cultures that make up the United States must adhere to what is American in order to benefit from the promises of America and its Constitution, that of liberty and prosperity. To complicate matters, the dominant culture also dictates who reaps the benefits of Americanism, despite behavior. Throughout American history there have been many folks who challenge such notions for the sake of a single cause. Whether it is the abolition of slavery, women's suffrage, or education and housing reform, protest, or the ability of an oppressed group to say â€Å"no† to injustice and lack of choice grounded this nation. While on the surface such protests are commendable and admirable, an undercurrent exists that is usually left unchecked. Freedom to earn money and prosper as well as own land is within ones rights as an American that have been upheld as â€Å"self-evident. What complicates such a simplistic and arguably accessible accomplishment is that one group determines how far another group can go, the extent its members can be successful. This notion of superiority is seen within cultures in this country as well. When discussing the history of Blacks in America, the legacy of slavery must be acknowledged as a constant line feeding into ideas of superiority. Such ideas permeate attitudes of whites towards blacks, yet ironically; it also nourishes beliefs within the black community and causes the drawing of class distinctions. Adopting the attitudes and beliefs of ones oppressors and pinning such expectations –not being open to examining and maintaining ones own culture in the midst of or in spite of a dominant culture contributes to the holding back of progress. It can be construed that uplifting the race, based on white paternalistic notions of respectability serves a very limited purpose. Ignoring or attempting to eradicate free black Americans relatively young past in order to accept and uphold standards designed for another culture, namely the dominant one, only serves to polarize an already fragmented culture. Since before freedom, free blacks in the North established class lines comparable to their white counterparts. There was a clear black aristocracy made up of well-educated, wealthy and professional blacks. Many determined that the closer they were to white culture the more superior, much like the stratification that existed on slave plantations when the slaves who possessed the lighter complexions found themselves working closer to the master and his family. Such slaves often experienced privileges that the darker-skinned slaves could not even imagine. The legacy of slavery is most prevalent as class distinctions are drawn among blacks. Where this is seen even more, ironically at time just a half-century beyond slavery, is during the Great Migration. Many established northern blacks saw themselves as successful, having achieved middle class status. While working on uplifting the race to a level of respectability, that is, a most acceptable group among middle class whites, they adhered to faith, hope, and charity. Faith occurred in the form of the church, hope in the manner in which many experienced prosperity, and charity, that which was offered the less fortunate migrants fresh from the cotton fields, who needed to be groomed for proper behavior. Even with faith, hope, and charity, like their white counterparts, the sense of superiority among the established black community made it clear that only a select few would reap the benefits of the liberty and prosperity promised to all. Eastern cities like Washington, DC had a clear distinction between free blacks and the black aristocracy. The lines were drawn with regard to churches one attended, clubs in which one belonged, and neighborhoods where one could purchase homes. Likewise, whites, too, determined class lines based on what they deemed appropriate behavior of the Negro. For example, in 1916 Mary Church Terrell, daughter of one of America's first black millionaires, was refused service at a drug store soda fountain. She and her husband formally protested to the store manager, who immediately apologized for the clerk and said, â€Å"We do not care to serve people of any race at our fountain who are not genteel, but such objection certainly could not obtain against your wife, yourself and any high class colored person† (Gatewood 67). Clearly for some whites the aristocrat of color warranted different and better treatment than did ordinary blacks. In black communities throughout the US, old established families occupied a position of aristocracy. As a black observer noted, â€Å"almost all communities possess a few thoroughbred families who glory in lineal ancestry and carry wherever they go the tone and flavor of unconscious refinement, pride, that manifest their culture, achievement, behavior, and ancestry. Family trees genealogical charts often included an assortment of European noblemen, white American statesmen, African kings, and Indian Chieftains. Even Chicago where there is nothing old, I found the same spirit† (Higgenbotham 70). In Chicago the black population in 1880 was 6480 and increased seven-fold by 1910. There were groups called the 400, the upper 10's, and the high-toned people. (Higgenbotham 117). Stratification in black society, one Chicago editor noted was â€Å"proceeding along its natural course exactly analogous, or at least similar to, the formation of social groups of the white race in this country† (Gatewood 124). The Great Migration forced the established Black community in Chicago to make major adjustments and accommodations. Historically, black churches and civic groups had, like their counterparts in the South, resisted any involvement in social issues. The arrival of hundreds of thousands of migrants, however, simply could not be ignored; churches, being African- Americans richest and most influential institutions, were quickly called to action in the effort to help migrants properly adjust themselves to life in Chicago. Blacks already living in Chicago, Old Settlers were aware of the implications of the Great Migration. The Old Settlers strove to establish respect from whites and a sense of equality within the city's socio-economics system. With the arrival of southern blacks, most of whom were unfamiliar with urban mores, the Old Settlers feared that the progress they had achieved would be dashed. They feared that all whites would equate all blacks with the rural and uneducated migrants. Moreover, the Old Settlers realized the enormous strains placed on many of the migrants who arrived lacking a place to live or a sense of direction in the achievement of personal stability. This is where the church and civic organizations played a big role in offering shelter, food, and clothes to the migrants until they could do for themselves. These organizations provided services for migrants, such as assisting them in obtaining a job. They did it for charity yet the self-interest; yet capitalism was ever present. Borrowing from ideologies of Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. DuBois, the church and civic groups adopted the lifting as we climb approach. For men it was good for business, for the women, status was most crucial so they were motivated by position in the community to be charitable. This is many ways mimics the white progressives whose Christian-based affect was prevalent in their charitable work. Likewise, a certain sense of hypocrisy and fear of association influenced the intentions and efforts to Americanize, or make the migrants Chicagoans, the people they were assisting, often resulted in a miscarriage of sensitivity to the values of an established culture. Gwendolyn Wright in her text Building the Dream offers that such reformers â€Å"did bring much genuine concern, but they brought moralistic middle-class biases to their crusade† (Wright 129). This attitude had an impact on the housing issue for blacks in Chicago as lines were drawn, gates were built, and people were shut out. For so many, Chicago was the land of promise and potential. The dream of liberty and prosperity seemed very close at hand as hopeful migrants left their homes in the Deep South. They met many established Blacks in Northern urban centers who â€Å"visualized the progress of their race in terms of education, personal economic success, judicious political action, and co-operation with powerful and influential white people† (Drake 51). From 1890 to 1920 economic, political, and social lives of blacks in Chicago underwent tremendous transformation. (Knupfer 30). It was believed that the influx of blacks had â€Å"Negroes rapidly replacing foreigners as Chicago's problem† (Drake 60). Given this information, advancing the race became an issue and many aristocratic and middle-class blacks felt the dichotomy of being black in America much like their foreign counterparts; allegiance to an ethnic group as well as to America. The result of this duality lead to the class divisions reminiscent of the days of slavery. The select few living life much like the whites or aspiring to do so and many left behind eating the scraps, when they could get them.

Changes That The Great Migration Brought - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 4 Words: 1273 Downloads: 2 Date added: 2019/10/31 Category History Essay Level High school Tags: The Great Migration Essay Did you like this example? The Great Migration was the movement of 6 million African Americans from the South to the urban areas of the North, Midwest and West from around 1916 to 1970. Driven from their homes by brutal segregation laws and unfavorable economic chances, numerous blacks traveled north, where they exploited the requirement for mechanical specialists that originally emerged from the First World War. Amid the Great Migration, African Americans started to assemble another place for themselves in broad daylight, effectively standing up to racial injustices and financial, political and social difficulties to make a dark urban culture that would apply colossal impact in the decades to come.. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Changes That The Great Migration Brought" essay for you Create order   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The primary factors for immigration among southern African-Americans were segregation, an increase in the spread of racist ideas, widespread lynching, and lack of social and economic opportunities in the South. After the Civil War and the Reconstruction era, white supremacy was largely restored across the South in the 1870s, and the segregationist policies known as Jim Crow soon became the law of the land. Southern blacks were forced to make their living working the land due to black codes and the sharecropping system, which offered little in the way of economic opportunity, especially after a boll weevil epidemic in 1898 caused massive crop damage across the south, and while the Ku Klux Klan had been officially dissolved in 1869, the KKK continued underground after that, and intimidation, violence and even lynching of black southerners were common practices in the Jim Crow South. In the south, Blacks were harshly treated, and were not expected to be anyt hing other than a slave. Soon after, World War I broke out in Europe in 1914, industrialized urban areas in the North, Midwest and West faced a shortage of industrial laborers, as the war put an end to the steady tide of European immigration to the United States. In turn, the labor shortages in northern factories brought about by World War I, resulted in thousands of jobs in steel mills, railroads, meatpacking plants, and the automobile industry. With war production kicking into high gear, recruiters enticed African Americans to come north, to the dismay of white Southerners. The pull of jobs in the north was strengthened by the efforts of labor agents sent by northern businessmen to recruit southern workers. Black newspapersparticularly the widely read Chicago Defenderpublished advertisements touting the opportunities available in the cities of the North and West, along with first-person accounts of success, and northern companies offered special incentives to encourage black workers to relocate, including free transportation and low-cost housing. By the end of 1919, some 1 million blacks had left the South, usually traveling by train, boat or bus. A smaller number even had automobiles or even horse-drawn carts. In the decade between 1910 and 1920, the black population of major Northern cities grew by large percentages, including New York , Chicago , Philadelphia and Detroit. Many new arrivals found jobs in factories, slaughterhouses and foundries, where working conditions were arduous and sometimes dangerous. Female migrants had a harder time finding work, spurring heated competition for domestic labor positions. Aside from competition for employment, there was also competition for living space in increasingly crowded cities. While segregation was not legalized in the North , racism and prejudice were nonetheless widespread. After the U.S. Supreme Court declared racially based housing ordinances unconstitutional in 1917, some residential neighborhoods enacted covenants requiring white property owners to agree not to sell to b lacks; these would remain legal until the Court struck them down in 1948. Rising rents in segregated areas, plus a resurgence of KKK activity after 1915, worsened black and white relations across the country. The summer of 1919 began the greatest period of interracial strife in U.S. history at that time, including a disturbing wave of race riots. The most serious was the Chicago Race Riot of 1919. It lasted 13 days and left 38 people dead, 537 injured and 1,000 black families without homes.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   As a result of housing tensions, many blacks ended up creating their own cities within big cities, fostering the growth of a new urban, African-American culture. The most prominent example was Harlem in New York City, a formerly all-white neighborhood that by the 1920s housed some 200,000 African Americans. The black experience during the Great Migration became an important theme in the artistic movement known first as the New Negro Movement and later as the Harlem Renaissance, which would have an enormous impact on the culture of the era. The Great Migration also began a new era of increasing political activism among African Americans, who after being disenfranchised in the South found a new place for themselves in public life in the cities of the North and West. Black migration slowed considerably in the 1930s, when the country sank into the Great Depression, but picked up again with the coming of World War II. By 1970, when the Great Migration ended, i ts demographic impact was unmistakable. Whereas in 1900, nine out of every 10 black Americans lived in the South, and three out of every four lived on farms, by 1970 the South was home to less than half of the countrys African-Americans, with only 25 percent living in the regions rural areas. The Great Migration exposed a paradox in race relations in the American South at that time. Although blacks were treated with extreme hostility and subjected to legal discrimination, the southern economy was deeply dependent on them as an abundant supply of cheap labor, and black workers were seen as the most critical factor in the economic development of the South. One South Carolina politician stated,   Politically speaking, there are far too many negroes, but from an industrial standpoint there is room for many more. When the Great Migration started in the 1910s, white southerners seemed to be unconcerned, and industrialists and cotton planters saw it as a positive, as it was siphoning off surplus industrial and agricultural labor. As the migration picked up, however, southern elites began to panic, fearing that a prolonged black exodus would bankrupt the South, and newspaper editorials warned of the danger. White employers eventually took notice and began expressing their fears . White southerners soon began trying to stem the flow in order to prevent the hemorrhaging of their labor supply, and some began attempting to address the poor living standards and racial oppression experienced by Southern blacks in order to induce them to stay. As a result, southern employers increased their wages to match those on offer in the North, and some individual employers opposed the worst excesses of Jim Crow laws. When the measures failed to stem the tide, white southerners, in concert with federal officials who feared the rise of black nationalism, co-operated in attempting to coerce blacks to stay in the South. The Southern Metal Trades Association urged decisive action to stop black migration, and some employers undertook serious efforts against it. The largest southern steel manufacturer refused to cash checks sent to finance black migration, efforts were made to restrict bus and train access for blacks, agents were stationed in northern cities to report on wage levels, unionization, and the rise of black nationalism, and newspapers were pressured to divert more coverage to negative aspects of black life in the North. A series of local and federal directives were put into place with the goal of restricting black mobility, inc luding local vagrancy ordinances, work or fight laws demanding all males either be employed or serve in the army, and conscription orders. Intimidation and beatings were also used to terrorize blacks into staying. During the wave of migration that took place in the 1940s, white southerners were less concerned, as mechanization of agriculture in the late 1930s had resulted in another labor surplus so southern planters put up less resistance.